⒈ Gender Inequality Literature Review

Sex Gender Inequality Literature Review in intrahousehold food distribution: roles of ethnicity and socioeconomic characteristics. Gender differences Gender Inequality Literature Review consequences of health and illness This section reviews research on how gender Gender Inequality Literature Review the social, economic and biological consequences of health and illness, focusing on three non-communicable diseases Gender Inequality Literature Review conditions: Gender Inequality Literature Review for Gender Inequality Literature Review consequences, domestic violence for Gender Inequality Literature Review consequences, and occupational health for biological consequences. Gender differences abigails party quotes correlates of disablement Gender Inequality Literature Review the elderly in Egypt. Am J Ind Gender Inequality Literature Review. However, further research Kudzu Grain specific diseases, including tropical infectious diseases, has added new findings that need to be taken into account. Joseph A. Gender Inequality Literature Review we carry our Reflection On Asian Immigrant Students Discourse into every social Gender Inequality Literature Review, L-Dopa Analysis all of them are necessarily salient in Gender Inequality Literature Review relevant to a particular encounter [ 7 ].

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Authors of the study also identified trans women as being over five times more likely to commit suicide than the general population, whilst trans men were more than double Smith et al. Authors of the study could not pinpoint the exact reasoning for this discrepancy in mental health outcomes even among trans individuals. However, those analysing this data reported that this might be due to trans women having fewer sources of support, as they more often live alone Smith et al. Authors also noted that trans women might find it more difficult to transition within society, due to the powerful effects of testosterone on bone structure Smith et al.

In regards to factors affecting a positive effect on their mental health, transgender and gender diverse peoples reported that feeling acknowledged and supported in their gender identity along with feeling free to express their identity as they wish had positive repercussions on their mental health outcomes Smith et al. Factors that had distinct negative impacts on mental health included, obviously, discrimination and harassment Smith et al. This is often a result of excessive medical costs. Feeling unaccepted by friends and family, along with the general public also had distinct negative impacts on mental health outcomes Smith et al.

There are clear disparities in the mental health outcomes for that of the trans and gender-diverse populations. However, disparities also arise in the provision of health services, along with experiences of general health outcomes. There is a distinct underutilisation of a number of medical and clinical health services among transgender and gender diverse individuals. A small Western Australian study conducted in with 50 transgender and gender diverse adults reported significant underutilisation of cervical pap smears and mammograms Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex Health and Wellbeing Ministerial Advisory Committee, Western terminology is often inadequate in discussions regarding the gender identity of Indigenous communities.

In an Australian context, the terminology of "sistergirls" and "brotherboys" is used to describe gender-diverse Indigenous Australians. It has been proven that these aspects of Indigenous identity existed long before western colonialism Toone Toone [ citation needed ]. Due to this intersection as members of the LGBTQI community and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders, the discrimination experienced by these individuals is at an extremely significant level, even when compared to the harassment experienced by other members of the transgender and gender diverse community Kerry, These additional experiences of racism, even encountered within the LGBTQI community, along with facing transphobia within their traditional communities have led to distinct experiences of oppression unique to this community Kerry, From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Overview of gender inequality in Australia. Main article: Gender pay gap in Australia. Main article: Domestic violence in Australia. Main article: Homelessness in Australia. Further information: Punishment in Australia. Main article: Crime in Australia. Workplace Gender Equality Agency. Retrieved 23 June Archived from the original on 6 February Retrieved 6 February Retrieved 25 November The impact of a sustained gender wage gap on the economy. Average Weekly Earnings, Australia, May Retrieved on November 21, Australian Economic Review , Vol.

Glass Ceiling or Sticky Floor? Exploring the Australian Gender Pay Gap. Cambridge University Press, Homelessness Australia. Australian Bureau of Statistics. Retrieved 24 October We believe the Holy Spirit equips us for service and sanctifies us from sin. We believe the Bible is the inspired word of God, is reliable, and is the final authority for faith and practice. We believe that men and women are equally responsible for and distorted by sin, resulting in shattered relationships with God, self, and others.

This document lays out the biblical rationale for equality, as well as its practical applications in the family and community of believers. The statement is available in more than thirty languages here. Disturbed by the shallow biblical premise used by churches, organizations, and mission groups to exclude the gifts of women, evangelical leaders assembled in to publish their biblical perspective in a new scholarly journal, Priscilla Papers.

Included in the group were W. The group determined that a national organization was needed to provide education, support, and leadership about biblical equality. With the help and vision of these individuals, Christians for Biblical Equality was established on January 2, Catherine Clark Kroeger served as the first president of the organization, and Alvera Mickelsen served as the first chair of the board of directors. CBE has grown to include members from over denominations and 65 countries. It conducts annual international conferences; publishes two award-winning publications, a blog, and a weekly e-newsletter; and hosts an online bookstore devoted to reviewing and promoting resources on gender and the Bible from an egalitarian perspective.

CBE is dedicated to publishing high quality content on issues related to a biblical view of gender and leadership. Our commitment to scholastic conversations of biblical equality also extends beyond our academic published resources. As egalitarians, we believe in the diversity of thought that surrounds biblical interpretation, theology, and other interdisciplinary topics related to gender equality and justice in the home, church, and world. We invite our readers to consider an academic conversation centered on listening, respect, and an openness to learning from others. There is room for all at the table.

Payne, Philip B. Priscilla Papers vol. Is the Bible divided on the issue of gender? Many highly respected evangelical scholars believe there is a tension in the Bible between affirmations of gender equality and gender roles. Can we arrive at a consistent biblical position without doing violence to the text? Need one sacrifice good exegesis at the altar of systematic theology? Surely, good exegesis and good systematic theology go hand in hand. Their equality is not limited to spiritual standing before God, but applies to their dominion over the earth. Quite the opposite, it highlights her strength to be an equal partner with man, rescuing him from being alone. She is his counterpart: his companion and friend who complements him in exercising dominion over the earth. She fulfills him so that together they can be fruitful and care for the earth.

Likewise, nothing in the Genesis account of creation grants man priority in status or authority over woman, 7 but throughout it emphasizes their equality. Both are naked and feel no shame; they share moral innocence They both realize they are naked and sew coverings Both hide from God , showing they were both ashamed that they had disobeyed God. Both pass the blame — God speaks directly to both, announcing specific consequences of their sin —13, 16— Both are responsible for their own acts. To make this compatible with the theory of male headship in creation, hierarchists say Gen is about the introduction of unloving rule, not male rule over women in general.

Both major biblical Hebrew dictionaries analyze every Old Testament instance of this word and list no negative meaning for it. The practical result of men ruling over women, even in the best of circumstances, is that women are deprived of the corresponding authority with men that God granted them in creation. Furthermore, because of their fallen nature, many men have used their positions of authority to abuse women. The Old Testament praises many women in leadership over men, including wives and mothers. Exod — They worked together well with shared authority: he as military commander, she as commander in chief. Queen Esther had sufficient influence to bring about the destruction of the house of Haman, along with 75, enemies of the Jews Esth —10; — The records of the kings of Judah always note or name the queen mothers cf.

Jer ; ; 2 Kgs Priests consulted the prophet Huldah on finding the lost book of the law and submitted to her spiritual leadership. Not one Old Testament text says that God permitted women to hold such political or religious authority over men only because of special circumstances, nor do they describe these cases as exceptions to a scriptural principle. Scripture does not criticize them or any other woman leader of Israel on the grounds that their having authority over men is an inappropriate role for a woman.

Instead, the Old Testament presents women in religious and political leadership as normal. The only social or religious leadership position of significance that the Old Testament does not record women holding is that of priest. The obvious reason for this is the association of priestesses in some heathen cults with prostitutes or cultic sexual rites, which Deut prohibits.

God repeatedly forbade his people from giving an appearance of following the immoral practices of the surrounding nations, 12 and to have women priests would give that appearance. Your sons and daughters will prophesy. God even used women in the greatest of all prophetic roles: speaking key portions of inspired Scripture. Quite the opposite of excluding women from leadership over men, God appointed women to both secular and sacred leadership. Jesus in all his words and deeds left us an example to treat women as equals with men, never subordinated or restricted in role Matt —50; ; —46; Mark —35; Luke ; — His treatment of women as equals defied the judicial, social, and religious customs of his day.

In a culture that frowned upon the religious education of women, Jesus encouraged women to be his disciples. Jesus teaching both men and women disciples implies that he wanted women as well as men to be religious teachers. Simply choosing men for the twelve apostles does not logically exclude women from church leadership any more than his choosing free Jews for the twelve apostles excludes Gentiles or slaves from church leadership.

In any event, the two most influential early church leaders, James the brother of Jesus Acts ; Gal 14 and Paul, were not among the twelve apostles, but, like the woman Junia, were also apostles. So, then, why did Jesus choose all men and no women for the original twelve apostles? Although the New Testament does not explain his reasons, Jesus probably chose men for two reasons: to avoid scandal and for symbolic parallel. If Jesus had included women in gatherings in the shadow of darkness, especially in the wilderness or in places like the garden of Gethsemane, this would have raised moral suspicions not only about Jesus, but also about these twelve, on whose integrity the church would depend.

Nor did Jesus prevent women from proclaiming the gospel to men. The first person the resurrected Christ sought out and commissioned to announce the gospel of his resurrection and his coming ascension to God the Father was Mary Magdalene John — Leadership for Christ, which he redefined as humble servant-leadership e. John —17 , is at least as appropriate for women as men. Paul many times affirms the equality of man and woman by identifying women as laboring alongside men in ministry, by affirming many theological truths that entail the equality of men and women, and by explicitly affirming their equality. In Rom —16, Paul greets by name ten people he identifies as colleagues in Christian ministry. Paul greets many believers in this passage, but describes as ministry leaders only ten people, and seven of those are women.

The three men are Aquila, Andronicus, and Urbanus. The first two are listed with their wives, highlighting their shared authority. In two verses, Gal and 1 Cor , Paul explicitly argues that women and men are equals in church life. In Gal —, Paul insists that unequal treatment in the church of a social group, including women, is contrary to the gospel. The cycle of poverty, gender violence, poor health, and limited economic opportunities is perpetrated throughout the generations In developing countries, women who are totally dependent for economic livelihood upon their husbands are particularly affected when they suffer domestic abuse.

In a study in Mexico, women at risk of abuse and who lived with their own parents or in an extended family were much more likely to be protected from it than those who lived in a nuclear family situation Those who were unable, for economic reasons, to leave their husbands were the worst-off and least able to escape the situation. Finkler explains that poor Mexican men also suffered a different kind of abuse: being looked down upon in society, their dignity is challenged, and they may try to compensate for their frustration through mistreating those who cannot retaliate.

In India, dowry-related violence, sometimes leading to deaths by murder or suicide, is increasingly being documented. Dowry, a Hindu tradition, was originally a way for parents to share their inheritance with their daughters who were not allowed to inherit property. Bridal abuse is a way of putting pressure on her family to give them more of their assets, and when a wife is unable to provide them, she may resort to suicide or be killed. Women rarely seek medical help, mainly because of shame. Another pervasive form of violence against women is rape. This is considered to be among the most under-reported health problems in the world 85 , a crime that can have serious psychological, social and economic consequences.

In several parts of the world, women who have been raped may be seen as having brought dishonour on their families. In some countries, rape victims may be beaten, killed, or driven to suicide In these situations, even those who survive are likely to face precarious economic futures, as they may be driven away from their families and be left without social or economic support Generally, men are more vulnerable to major life-threatening chronic diseases, including coronary heart disease, cancer, cerebrovascular disease, emphysema, cirrhosis of the liver, kidney disease, and atherosclerosis. Women suffer more from chronic disorders, such as anaemia, thyroid and gall bladder conditions, migraine headaches, arthritis, colitis, and eczema. The biological advantage of women appears to be related to their ability to bear children and the physiological systems that permit pregnancy and child bearing, whereas men's health advantage seems to be due to lower levels of role stress, role conflict, and lower societal demands Men and women have different responses to drugs for treatment.

These gender differences are not only biological: gender plays an important role in determining healthy or unhealthy life styles. As men and women modify their behaviour to reduce or increase certain risks, such as stress relating to high-pressure jobs, their respective vulnerability can change over time and across societies. The gender differences in the biological consequences of health and illness can be illustrated by the example of occupational health. Until recently, little attention was paid to gender differences in occupational health, and most social science literature focused on differences in exposure to health risks The literature on tropical diseases found significant gender differences in the impact of infectious diseases on men and women because of their differential exposure to vectors, such as mosquitoes or sandflies Social scientists are now investigating the impact of different kinds of work environment on health of men and women but considerably more research is needed to confirm early findings in this regard.

Research in industrialized countries has shown that working outside the home is related to improved health for women 93 — 95 because of increased self-confidence and economic independence. Similarly, among men, employment is associated with increased life expectancy 96 — 97 , and unemployed men are at greater risk of psychological problems and early mortality In developing countries, however, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that non-domestic labour has a positive impact on women's health.

Women may suffer more ill-health because labour conditions are generally much poorer in developing countries, their status is lower than men's, and they often assume the large burden of domestic work, in addition to paid labour Research on factory work in both low- and high-income countries has found that women who are employed in monotonous and repetitive work are likely to develop repetitive strain injuries 83 or to be exposed to carcinogenic substances 98 , Men are more often employed in dynamic jobs involving physically strenuous activities, such as construction, with considerable lifting and moving of heavy loads. Work-related accidents resulting in death seem to be much more common among men in both industrialized and developing countries because men are employed in occupations involving greater danger, such as transportation, construction, mining, and fire-fighting.

Men in developing countries are also more at risk of accidents than men in high-income countries because of poorer safety regulations and protective equipment In several studies, Oslin has shown that women at all levels of employment reported more such stress For example, women who had to work more than 10 hours of overtime per week had a higher risk of heart attacks than other women, whereas men who worked the same amount of overtime were at lower risk. Moreover, women's level of negative stress increased at the end of the working day, whereas men's level of negative stress decreased considerably.

This paper has reviewed many studies and health and illness examples as they relate to gender differences using a framework from the field of tropical diseases. Clearly, the framework which links gender to the social, economic and biological determinants and consequences of tropical diseases is applicable to non-infectious diseases and conditions too. Several conclusions regarding the importance of gender for understanding health and illness can be derived from the studies reviewed in this paper. First, gender clearly plays a role in the determinants and consequences of poor health, and it can no longer be assumed that a male model for health also applies to women.

The way in which gender affects these determinants and consequences may vary according to the conditions selected and according to the characteristics of the population studied. However, gender analysis is key to understanding the experience of health and how to intervene to prevent illness. Perhaps, the most common finding across the different chronic diseases and conditions reviewed is the importance of social support, especially by spouses and other family members, in helping people cope positively with their condition.

There was a widespread gender bias towards men in terms of the support received from their families, and this helped them respond better to their illness. Women were less likely to receive support, leading to less positive coping. Women were also more prone to accept their condition as part of themselves, rather than to see it as a challenge to be overcome, as their male counterparts tended to do. The involvement of both men and women in health education and interventions was shown to be an important determinant of their successful uptake.

This demonstrates that gender stereotypes need to be examined critically as they stand in the way of the improvements in health that are known to be effective. For example, it was seen that selecting women for nutritional education because they are responsible for the preparation of meals means that men are generally excluded, yet it is men who are heavily involved in the production, sale, and purchase of food. Similarly, not understanding the dynamics of age, ethnicity and gender can be detrimental to desirable health interventions. This was seen in several examples discussed in the paper. The framework discussed in this paper separated out social economic and biological determinants and consequences of health and illness to bring an organizing structure to a vast number of individual studies on a range of varying health conditions.

However, it must be recognized that these determinants and consequences also interact with one another as seen, for example, in the case of domestic violence. Women who are victims of violence miss more work than other women because of their injuries and hide their injuries from others, including health services, because of social stigma and fear. Thus, the social, economic and physical aspects of the experience are closely inter-related. In both developing and developed countries, awareness of the importance of a gender analysis in health is growing, with respect to both infectious and chronic diseases. Despite a rapidly-expanding literature in this area, comprehensive, integrative analyses are few. It is difficult to compare the many studies in this field as they are based on populations with different ethnic, socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, different geographic and ethnic groups, and on different diseases and health conditions, or different symptoms of these diseases and conditions.

Moreover, these interrelationships may change over time, with, for example, changes in marital status, age, or changes in social and economic conditions. As a result, in-depth gender analyses of health and illness are very few. If gender studies are to provide a useful basis for the development of policy, planning, and health services, a more systematic approach to studies in this area are needed. Frameworks such as the one used in this paper are a useful beginning. Women's health programmes, and increasingly gender studies programmes, are being incorporated into university health curricula.

Nonetheless, such programmes are still mainly pursued by social scientists and are not seen as a mandatory part of biomedical training. Mainstreaming gender studies into biomedical programmes can greatly enhance awareness of a wider range health issues, thereby contributing to the prevention of illness and the mitigation of negative health outcomes. It can also stimulate much needed research on gender differences between developing countries and developed countries and on the impact of gender on the epidemiological transition from infectious to non-communicable diseases.

National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. J Health Popul Nutr. Carol Vlassoff. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Corresponding author. Correspondence and reprint requests should be addressed to: Dr. Carol Vlassoff, B St. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Abstract This paper uses a framework developed for gender and tropical diseases for the analysis of non-communicable diseases and conditions in developing and industrialized countries. RESULTS Gender differences in determinants of health and illness This section reviews evidence of gender differences in the social, economic and biological determinants of health and illness, focusing on three non-communic-able diseases or conditions: nutrition for social determinants, mental illness for economic determinants, and longevity for biological determinants.

Gender differences in social determinants of health and illness Social factors, such as the degree to which women are excluded from schooling, or from participation in public life, affect their knowledge about health problems and how to prevent and treat them. Gender differences in economic determinants of health and illness Productive labour is usually defined as labour performed outside the household in income-generating employment; reproductive labour includes work done within the household, such as food preparation, childcare, housework, care of livestock and kitchen gardens.

Gender differences in biological determinants of health and illness The gender differences in the biological determinants of health and illness include differential genetic vulnerability to illness, reproductive and hormonal factors, and differences in physiological characteristics during the life-cycle. Gender differences in consequences of health and illness This section reviews research on how gender affects the social, economic and biological consequences of health and illness, focusing on three non-communicable diseases or conditions: diabetes for social consequences, domestic violence for economic consequences, and occupational health for biological consequences.

Gender differences in social consequences of health and illness The gender differences in the social consequences of health and illness include how illness affects men and women, including health-seeking behaviour, the availability of support networks, and the stigma associated with illness and disease. Gender differences in the economic consequences of illness The gender differences in the economic consequences of illness include how work of men and women is affected by illness, such as availability of substitute labour, opportunity costs of health-related actions, available income, and the impact of economic policies.

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