⒈ Why Did The Soldier And George Washington Survive The Winter
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Surviving the Winters: Housing George Washington’s Army and the American Revolution
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There was no outcry from the military or political elite, the media or their ruling-class patrons about this aspect of the war, nor is it commented on in almost any history of the war. It is ignored or accepted as a normal part of an unequal world, because the middle and upper class were not in combat in Vietnam and suffered no pain from its butchery. It never would have been tolerated had their class done the fighting. Their premeditated murder of combat troops unleashed class war in the armed forces. The revolt focused on ending search and destroy through all of the means the army had provided as training for these young workers.
We have known for some time that this offensive was planned by the enemy The ability to do what they have done has been anticipated, prepared for, and met The stated purposes of the general uprising have failed I do not believe that they will achieve a psychological victory. The Tet Offensive was the turning point of the Vietnam War and the start of open, active soldiers' rebellion. The Tet Offensive was not militarily successful, because of the savagery of the U. In Saigon alone, American bombs killed 14, civilians. The city of Ben Tre became emblematic of the U. Westmoreland and his generals claimed that they were the victors of Tet because they had inflicted so many casualties on the NLF.
But to the world, it was clear that U. Tet showed that the NLF had the overwhelming support of the Vietnamese population--millions knew of and collaborated with the NLF entry into the cities and no one warned the Americans. The ARVN had turned over whole cities without firing a shot. The official rationale for the war, that U. The South Vietnamese government and military were clearly hated by the people. Westmoreland's constant claim that there was "light at the end of the tunnel," that victory was imminent, was shown to be a lie.
Search and destroy was a pipe dream. The NLF did not have to be flushed out of the jungle--it operated everywhere. What, then, was the point of this war? Why should American troops fight to defend a regime its own people despised? Soldiers became furious at a government and an officer corps who risked their lives for lies. Throughout the world, Tet and the confidence that American imperialism was weak and would be defeated produced a massive, radical upsurge that makes famous as the year of revolutionary hope. In the U. Within three years, more than one-quarter of the armed forces was absent without leave AWOL , had deserted or was in military prisons.
Countless others had received "Ho Chi Minh discharges" for being disruptive and troublemaking. But the most dangerous forces were those still active in combat units, whose fury over being slaughtered in useless search-and-destroy missions erupted in the greatest rebellion the U. If an officer attempted to impose disciplinary punishment upon a soldier, the power did not exist to get it executed. In that you have one of the sure signs of a genuine popular revolution. With the falling away of their disciplinary power, the political bankruptcy of the staff of officers was laid bare. The refusal of an order to advance into combat is an act of mutiny. In time of war, it is the gravest crime in the military code, punishable by death.
In Vietnam, mutiny was rampant, the power to punish withered and discipline collapsed as search and destroy was revoked from below. Until , open defiance of orders was rare and harshly repressed, with sentences of two to ten years for minor infractions. Hostility to search-and-destroy missions took the form of covert combat avoidance, called "sandbagging" by the grunts. A platoon sent out to "hump the boonies" might look for a safe cover from which to file fabricated reports of imaginary activity.
But after Tet, there was a massive shift from combat avoidance to mutiny. One Pentagon official reflected that "mutiny became so common that the army was forced to disguise its frequency by talking instead of 'combat refusal. Acts of mutiny took place on a scale previously only encountered in revolutions. The first mutinies in were unit and platoon-level rejections of the order to fight.
The army recorded 68 such mutinies that year. By , in the 1st Air Cavalry Division alone, there were 35 acts of combat refusal. The progressive unwillingness of American soldiers to fight to the point of open disobedience took place over a four-year period between The combat refusals of individual units expanded to involve whole companies by the next year. The first reported mass mutiny was in the th Light Brigade in August Company A of the 3rd Battalion, down to 60 men from its original , had been pushing through Songchang Valley under heavy fire for five days when it refused an order to advance down a perilous mountain slope. Word of the mutiny spread rapidly. A shaken brass relieved the company commander The Brass surrendered to the strength of the organized men.
This precedent--no court-martial for refusing to obey the order to fight, but the line officer relieved of his command--was the pattern for the rest of the war. Mass insubordination was not punished by an officer corps that lived in fear of its own men. Even the threat of punishment often backfired. When they were threatened with court-martials, other platoons rallied to their support and refused orders to advance until the army backed down.
As the fear of punishment faded, mutinies mushroomed. There were at least ten reported major mutinies, and hundreds of smaller ones. Hanoi's Vietnam Courier documented 15 important GI rebellions in The "CBS Evening News" broadcast live a patrol from the 7th Cavalry telling their captain that his order for direct advance against the NLF was nonsense, that it would threaten casualties, and that they would not obey it.
When Cambodia was invaded in , soldiers from Fire Base Washington conducted a sit-in. They told Up Against the Bulkhead, "We have no business there Then they promised us we wouldn't have to go to Cambodia. In the invasion of Laos in March , two platoons refused to advance. To prevent the mutiny from spreading, the entire squadron was pulled out of the Laos operation. The captain was relieved of his command, but there was no discipline against the men. When a lieutenant from the st Infantry refused his battalion commander's order to advance his troops, he merely received a suspended sentence. The decision not to punish men defying the most sacrosanct article of the military code, the disobedience of the order for combat, indicated how much the deterioration of discipline had eroded the power of the officers.
The only punishment for most mutinies was to relieve the commanding officer of his duties. Consequently, many commanders would not report that they had lost control of their men. They swept news of mutiny, which would jeopardize their careers, under the rug. As they became quietly complicit, the officer corps lost any remaining moral authority to impose discipline. For every defiance in combat, there were hundreds of minor acts of insubordination in rear base camps. As one infantry officer reported, "You can't give orders and expect them to be obeyed. Working it out destroyed the authority of the officer corps and gutted the ability of the army to carry out search-and-destroy missions. But the army had no alternative strategy for a guerrilla war against a national liberation movement.
The political impact of the mutiny was felt far beyond Vietnam. Haldeman, Nixon's chief of staff, reflected, "If troops are going to mutiny, you can't pursue an aggressive policy. The moral condition of the army was hopeless. You might describe it by saying the army as an army no longer existed. Defeats, retreats, and the rottenness of the ruling group had utterly undermined the troops. The murder of American officers by their troops was an openly proclaimed goal in Vietnam. As one GI newspaper demanded, "Don't desert. Go to Vietnam, and kill your commanding officer. A new slang term arose to celebrate the execution of officers: fragging.
The word came from the fragmentation grenade, which was the weapon of choice because the evidence was destroyed in the act. In every war, troops kill officers whose incompetence or recklessness threatens the lives of their men. But only in Vietnam did this become pervasive in combat situations and widespread in rear base camps. It was the most well-known aspect of the class struggle inside the army, directed not just at intolerable officers, but at "lifers" as a class. In the soldiers' revolt, it became accepted practice to paint political slogans on helmets. A popular helmet slogan summed up this mood: "Kill a non-com for Christ. No one knows how many officers were fragged, but after Tet it became epidemic. At least to 1, fragging attempts using explosive devices were made.
The army reported fraggings in , in and in , when they stopped keeping count. But in that year, just in the American Division of My Lai fame , one fragging per week took place. Some military estimates are that fraggings occurred at five times the official rate, while officers of the Judge Advocate General Corps believed that only 10 percent of fraggings were reported. These figures do not include officers who were shot in the back by their men and listed as wounded or killed in action.
Most fraggings resulted in injuries, although "word of the deaths of officers will bring cheers at troop movies or in bivouacs of certain units. This number, plus the official list of fragging deaths, has been accepted as the unacknowledged army estimate for officers killed by their men. It suggests that 20 to 25 percent--if not more--of all officers killed during the war were killed by enlisted men, not the "enemy. Soldiers put bounties on officers targeted for fragging. It was a reward for the soldier who executed the collective decision.
Honeycutt, who had ordered the May attack on Hill The hill had no strategic significance and was immediately abandoned when the battle ended. It became enshrined in GI folklore as Hamburger Hill, because of the 56 men killed and wounded taking it. Despite several fragging attempts, Honeycutt escaped uninjured. We call it a goddam butcher shop If you want to die so some lifer can get a promotion, go right ahead. But if you think your life is worth something, you better get yourselves together. If you don't take care of the lifers, they might damn well take care of you. Fraggings were occasionally called off. One lieutenant refused to obey an order to storm a hill during an operation in the Mekong Delta.
The motive for most fraggings was not revenge, but to change battle conduct. For this reason, officers were usually warned prior to fraggings. First, a smoke grenade would be left near their beds. Those who did not respond would find a tear-gas grenade or a grenade pin on their bed as a gentle reminder. Finally, the lethal grenade was tossed into the bed of sleeping, inflexible officers. Officers understood the warnings and usually complied, becoming captive to the demands of their men. It was the most practical means of cracking army discipline.
The units whose officers responded opted out of search-and-destroy missions. An Army judge who presided over fragging trials called fragging "the troops' way of controlling officers," and added that it was "deadly effective. The CMSR is an envelope a jacket containing one or more cards. These cards typically indicate that the soldier was present or absent during a certain period of time. Other cards may indicate the date of enlistment and discharge, amount of bounty paid him, and other information such as wounds received during battle or hospitalization for injury or illness.
The soldier's place of birth may be indicated; if foreign born, only the country of birth is stated. The CMSR may contain an internal jacket for so-called "personal papers" of various kinds. These may include a copy of the soldier's enlistment paper, papers relating to his capture and release as a prisoner of war, or a statement that he had no personal property with him when he died. Note, however, that the CMSR rarely indicates battles in which a soldier fought; that information must be derived from other sources. A CMSR is as complete as the surviving records of an individual soldier or his unit.
The War Department compiled the CMSRs from the original muster rolls and other records some years after the war to permit more rapid and efficient checking of military and medical records in connection with claims for pensions and other veterans' benefits. The abstracts were so carefully prepared that it is rarely necessary to consult the original muster rolls and other records from which they were made. When the War Department created CMSRs at the turn of the century, information from company muster rolls, regimental returns, descriptive books, hospital rolls, and other records was copied verbatim onto cards. A separate card was prepared each time an individual name appeared on a document. These cards were all numbered on the back, and these numbers were entered onto the outside jacket containing the cards.
The numbers on the jacket correspond with the numbers on the cards within the jacket. These numbers were used by the War Department only for control purposes while the CMSRs were being created; the numbers do not refer to other records regarding a veteran nor are they useful for reference purposes today. Most Union army soldiers or their widows or minor children later applied for a pension. In some cases, a dependent father or mother applied for a pension. The pension file will often contain more information about what the soldier did during the war than the CMSR, and it may contain much medical information if he lived for a number of years afterwards.
To obtain a widow's pension, the widow had to provide proof of marriage, such as a copy of the record kept by county officials, or by affidavit from the minister or some other person. Applications on behalf of the soldier's minor children had to supply both proof of the soldier's marriage and proof of the children's birth. Sometimes, additional information about a soldier's war activities can be deduced from the compilations of the activities of each company known colloquially as the "record of events. Although they rarely name individual soldiers, the descriptions of the activities and movements of the company can be used, in conjunction with the soldier's CMSR and pension file, to determine where the soldier was and what he was doing.
These records are arranged by state, thereunder by regiment, and thereunder by company. These records are being published as Janet B. Hewett, et al. This section shows how the information from the 1 CMSR, 2 pension file, and 3 "record of events" can be combined to more fully describe an average soldier's war experiences. Western and Frederick Weston [sic]--are presented as examples. He was a year-old farmer born at Stockholm, and was 5 feet 10 inches tall and had grey eyes and black hair. His company mustered in on August 27, , at Ogdensburg, New York. Frederick was listed as "present" on company muster rolls from his enrollment through June He died of typhoid fever at North Mountain, Virginia, June 3, There is no pension file relating to Frederick because he was not married and did not have any minor children or aged parents dependent upon him for support.
The "record of events" cards in microfilm publication M, Compiled Records Showing Service of Military Units in Volunteer Union Organizations , roll , provide much detail about his service. They were mustered in August 27, , by Lt. Caustin, 19th U. Infantry, who paid them the U. The company spent over 2 months at Martinsburg before marching with the rest of the regiment to North Mountain, Virginia, on March 6, Road," which they reached on April Learning that Grafton was in danger of a rebel attack, they marched back to Grafton the same day by way of Pruntytown.
They remained at Grafton until May 18, when the company returned to North Mountain, at which it stayed until June 13, By then, of course, Frederick Weston had died. He was a year-old farmer born in Stockholm, New York, and was 5 feet 8 inches tall and had gray eyes and brown hair. His company mustered in August 27, , at Ogdensburg, New York. Although William was listed as "present" on company muster rolls from his enrollment through June , he was taken prisoner and paroled at Fairmont, Virginia, April 29, He went from there to Camp Parole, Annapolis, Maryland, and did not return to regular duty until October 31, He became sick from "chronic diarrhoea" and "remittant fever," and on July 3, , he was sent to the U.
William's CMSR indicates some confusion as to whether he deserted while on furlough from the hospital, or whether he died at Richville, New York, November 23, , or at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, September 1, The pension application submitted by William's widow eliminates the confusion about his death. According to affidavits, Finley General Hospital gave William a furlough on September 14, , permitting him to return to St. Lawrence County, New York, for 1 month.He tried to stop Miss America from launching Big Boy, a rocket powered bomb that could wipe out all Why Did The Soldier And George Washington Survive The Winter. He also befriends Sam Wilson. Per the NFLPA's constitution, Smith CRR-3: The Sociological Significance Of The Ghetto a unanimous Lululemon Value Chain Analysis from the executive council to avoid being subjected to Why Did The Soldier And George Washington Survive The Winter vote Friday by Why Did The Soldier And George Washington Survive The Winter board of player reps.